Strangers in a Civilian World
Post-service identity theory posits that the divide between service personnel and the civilian world is exacerbated once the individual service member integrates with their new team within the service organisation and begins to work together with other members to achieve collective goals. As detailed in Chapters 4 to 6, the identity connection is forged out of physical and mental re-creation during service training and performance of the service role, it is strengthened by social isolation and the focus on collective goals, and reinforced by membership of the team that includes camaraderie and friendships. The identity connection often results in a loss of non-service oriented personal relationships which further strengthens the connection through increased isolation from non-service members, and further supports the divide between the participants as service members and civilians. The service members notice differences between themselves and their family and friends such as physical appearance, attitudes to local and world events, discipline and commitment to workspaces, and organisation and regulation of personal spaces and lives. However, it is after some time of performing the expected activities of the service role that the individuals are most impacted by the divide between themselves and their pre-service lives. During the performance of the activities the service members reinforce their membership in the team, continue to build relationships that support social cohesion, and begin to rely on other team members for physical and emotional support. This is often to the exclusion of their usual civilian support group. The result of this is an even stronger identity connection to the organisation and to the role in the team. The reference point for support, and therefore for belonging, shifts from the home and the previous identity to the workspace.
The divide between former service members and the civilian world creates an ‘us and them’ mentality that further justifies the subordination of non-members (Brunger et al., 2013; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). The divide is created during basic or recruit training and then reinforced through repetitive activities associated with the service role, from an organisational perspective. The divide is a crucial component of training as it better prepares the individuals to work in areas that involve enforcement of law, aggressive and assertive confrontation, and public safety. The ‘us and them’ approach is as much a practice as it is a mentality. Whilst individuals can develop the mentality, the practice is encouraged by the organisation they are in service with, making it as much an environmental issue (in service) as an individual issue. It is clearly perpetuated through the training and activities and is encouraged through membership of the team within the hegemonic masculine environment. The creation of an ‘us and them’ mentality supports the social isolation that is consistent with the training in a hegemonic masculine environment and strengthens the collective goal. The service members must show coherence with the group thinking, function in accordance with the team rules, and enforce the mandates of the organisation. Although each has a different focus, these sorts of applied powers are relevant to all three service groups.
‘maybe you people aren’t as good as you think you are’ (Maria)
However, transition challenges faced by military personnel may be exacerbated by civilian attitudes to the armed forces (Binks & Cambridge, 2018). This means the divide can be multi-directional between service members and civilians and does not support a positive reintegration into the workforce post-service for former service members.
In Australia, employers are being asked to show their support for former military by pledging to consider former service members for employment, through various programs including the Prime Minister’s Veterans’ Employment Program13. This is a public call for employers to demonstrate that they are actively bridging any divide that arises from their side as civilians. Yet, the service members are encouraged to apply for these employment opportunities because they have these former military skills.
Civilian opinion about the individual participants and their capabilities in the post-service employment environment weighs heavily. Awareness surrounding mental health issues for former members of the police, military and emergency services is increasing and with it comes a new stigma. Civilian employers express concern around the mental wellbeing of former service members and how it may impact the workplace. This creates a hesitancy to employ, with or without formal diagnosis or valid information about each individual potential employee. Within the post-service identity theory, mental health issues are indirectly addressed as a likelihood, based on the number of participants who are formally diagnosed or self-report symptoms of mental health illness or injury. Therefore, no insight is provided here as to the validity of employers rejecting former service members because of mental health issues. Work is being done by a few organisations to extol the skills of former military personnel, and to a lesser degree, the skills of police and emergency services personnel. These are competing interests.
However, putting aside mental health issues, civilian employers do struggle to fully grasp the breadth of skills offered by individuals like the participants. This is a lack of awareness and understanding about the nature of the training, ongoing activities and work roles of these service organisations. The reasons are twofold. Firstly, the training conducted by these organisations is specialist and provided only for serving and/or operational members. The skills are unique to the needs of each organisation and developed within the confines of that service environment. Secondly, the work and daily roles of the members of these organisations is not always publicly announced, demonstrated or described. There are many facets to each job that are unique to the role and therefore there is little to no reason for this to be publicly displayed or shared. Some of the work is confidential in nature and needs to be kept away from non-members. The experiences of the participants indicate that this is part of the reason the divide between the civilian world and the service organisation/s is so apparent. The flipside to this is that civilians are unaware of the training and activities of the former service members and therefore cannot easily understand the way in which they can now fit into a civilian role using their service-based skills and knowledge. This knowledge gap between organisations, civilian and not, facilitates difficulties in transition. Post-service identity theory alerts us to the consequences of this dynamic.
Post-service identity theory recognises that the participants are not aware of the changes to their identity nor are they aware that they separate from service with a fixed identity. The first indication for the participants that something is different for them after they leave the service job is when they seek new employment with organisations that are not police, military or emergency services. Often, they struggle to gain employment after leaving the service. Some of the participants submitted numerous applications and attended several interviews but were not successful. This is contributed to by limitations related to occupational mobility and human capital (Hayes & Fitzgerald, 2009; Becker, 1964). There are a few different layers apparent here. Firstly, the skills and experience held by former service personnel are firm-related skills (Dobbie & MacMillan, 2012), which are the lowest skills in the employment hierarchy and the least transferable (Becker, 1964). For many of the participants, income is not a primary measure of job satisfaction after separation from their service organisation, but it is a motivator for job choice. As the opportunity for employment becomes more limited, some participants were forced to accept work with lower incomes, resulting in underemployment. The introduction of occupation-specific and industry-specific as new categories of human capital further reduce the competitiveness of firm-related skills, leaving it as one of the weakest categories for work opportunities outside the organisation in which the skills are developed (Dobbie & MacMillan, 2012). The new categories mean that occupational mobility is a factor in preventing former service personnel from expanding their skills from firm-related to occupation-specific or industry-specific. This is because there is little to no occupational mobility amongst or between the police, military and emergency services organisations. These organisations invest heavily in the firm-related human capital of their employees and in doing so tighten the occupational boundaries. This is apparent through the restrictions placed on inter-organisational transfers for operational personnel (QPS, 2019).
Further, post-service identity theory postulates that, when separating from the service organisations, former personnel are not aware that the skills they developed in service are not easily transferable to employment outside service. The participants consider themselves to be highly skilled and they carry their (now fixed) service identity with pride and therefore most are surprised to discover that their skills are not easily recognised by employers in the post-service environment. Service personnel often demonstrate no awareness upon separation that they will need to translate their skills into a form (such as nationally recognised qualifications) that is understood by potential employers. They become more aware of this as time passes after separation and begin to investigate ways and means to better translate their skills. This can be achieved for many of them, and by better translating their skills they become more employable to non-service organisations. The need to upskill or re-educate oneself when moving from one job to another is not unique but having skills and knowledge that are specialist in nature and not easily recognised by new employers presents unique challenges. The struggle for former service members is twofold. Firstly, they do not anticipate that their skills are not easily recognised in the post-service employment environment and therefore are poorly prepared for this realisation. Further, they face uncertainty as to how to manage this and how to explain their existing skills and knowledge to potential employers. Secondly, they do not fully understand the difference between their specialist skills and their soft skills and the way in which they can bring those skills into a new workplace (Becker, 1964). They are limited by their fixed identity and cannot distinguish between themselves as ‘soldiers’ and themselves as valuable employees with a range of versatile skills. This limitation prevents them from effectively communicating their worth to new employers and they require support and guidance to start the redefining process in order to successfully gain employment post-service. Overcoming this challenge does not make their post-service life any easier, it just adds to the hurdles they face after leaving. This includes frustration at having to address identity issues and obtaining employment that does not make them feel ‘better off’. Acquiring employment and tackling the issue of skills transfer does not automatically improve job satisfaction for this group in their post-service employment.
Unlike usual labour market indicators for job satisfaction, the participants do not report job satisfaction based on pay, hours of work, job security and career prospects (Warr, 1999). Many of them are generally negative about post-service employment. The factors that impact job satisfaction for these former members in the post-service environment are a complex, multi-layered dynamic. It is this weave of issues that creates challenges when attempting to explain how the individuals are affected and why they have poor job satisfaction in the post-service working environment. The issues can be summarised as follows:
Not being able to gain employment easily after separation from service
Gaining employment post-service that:
Does not have the same level of training
Does not have the same focus on teamwork
Working in employment post-service where their individual skills and knowledge are not recognised and/or not acknowledged
Working in employment post-service where their individual skills and knowledge cannot be utilised and/or are not applied
Not committing to the new employment to the extent they did to their service organisation.
These issues are not mutually exclusive and can be attributed to three factors influencing the service members’ post-service employment experience. Firstly, the divide between service personnel from the police, military and emergency services and the civilian world. Secondly, the need for translation of the skills and knowledge from service in the police, military and emergency services into language that the civilian world can understand. Thirdly, the complexities that surround continuity of employment.
It is noted that usual labour market indicators for job satisfaction, such as pay, hours of work, job security and career prospects (Warr, 1999) are important for service personnel when first seeking employment after separation. Often, once employment is secured, the former service members experience better pay, better hours of work and adequate job security and career prospects when compared to their previous service positions. Yet, these factors do not result in job satisfaction. The development of an identity connection between members and their service organisation becomes fixed and permeates separation which makes it difficult for them to adjust well in the post-service environment. There is a common story amongst former members of the police, military and emergency services about the post-service environment in which new employment is sought. The adjustment difficulties present in varying ways in the post-service employment including but not limited to a lack of commitment to the new role, less investment in the goals of the new workplace, lack of trust of new colleagues, and lack of personal satisfaction in the work tasks. Although subjective in nature, these factors present as new determinants of job satisfaction for this group. In contrast, the usual labour market determinants of job satisfaction such as income, working hours and job content are relevant for job choices post-service but do not ensure job satisfaction. This is because the fixed identity maintains an existing connection to the service role and prevents engagement and identification with the new role.
Reported levels of job satisfaction can also be influenced by an individual’s ‘emotional state or mood’ (D’Addio et al., 2007, p. 5). This is often a factor for the participants from all three service groups who medically separate from service due to either physical or mental health injury and can be directly related to fixed identity but also to other mental health factors. The injuries influence their daily wellbeing and impact their job satisfaction, and the interaction between the mental health diagnosis or issues and the issues related to a fixed identity create a complicated treatment environment. This is also a factor for those participants who were not diagnosed with a mental health injury but suffer emotional exhaustion and poor mental health symptoms as a result of their service employment which influence their emotional state when working in post-service employment. These issues have a negative effect on their daily life, and in turn influence their job satisfaction (Xu et al., 2016).
Given that many of the participants have weakened emotional resilience after separating from service, which impacts their job satisfaction, they can face challenges in transition even when not formally diagnosed with mental health illnesses (Brunger et al., 2013). This indicates that mental health issues are not the sole barrier to successful transition, but the presence of mental health injuries demands the need for resolution and/or stabilisation of the mental health condition in order to support re-entry to the workforce post-service. Mental health issues and injuries were not directly addressed here, but two things are clear: the participants who are diagnosed with mental health injuries often struggle to manage their health, but it is not the sole contributor to the challenges they face in the post-service environment; and the participants who are not diagnosed with a mental health illness but self-report related symptoms often portray their struggles post-service as a combination of mental and emotional fatigue and other less understood issues. Those who do not suffer any mental health issues still face challenges in the post-service environment. With growing work and acknowledgement in this area (especially for military veterans), former service personnel are generally well versed on mental health issues and understand the consequences and impacts of psychological and emotional triggers. It is the combination of a fixed identity together with mental health issues that is less understood.
In addition, job satisfaction for former service members in the post-service environment is impacted by unrealistic expectations of new employment (Brentari & Golia, 2008; D’Addio et al., 2007, Warr, 1999; Xu et al., 2016). As described in Chapter 6, the participants are employable. This means that their human capital has translated effectively into the post-service employment environment. However, several participants feel underemployed following separation and are less satisfied with their new employment options as a result. This indicates that whilst their human capital allows for a transfer to employment, it may not result in a level of employment with which the individual can be satisfied. This presents in three ways. The first is expectations for teamwork and team engagement that are not met. The second is camaraderie and a lack of engagement between individuals that negatively affects work output. The third is organisational policies, processes and practices that do not meet the exacting expectations of the individual. These are indications of comparisons between old and new employment which are consistent with the work of Lévy-Garboua and Montmarquette (2004) who explain that the more employment experiences an individual has, the greater number of comparisons they can run between old and new employment. The ‘experienced preference’ results in feelings of regret (for leaving) rather than rejoicing when comparing their new job with their old (Lévy-Garboua & Montmarquette, 2004, p. 136). This means that their job satisfaction is measured by the difference between their two experiences – the service role and their new role. The result is that the present value of the new job is not as high for the individual as their memorised value of their old role. This becomes problematic when there is no option for an individual to return to their former service role. A fixed identity further strengthens the preference for the former service role and impacts the ability for the individual to relate to their new employment environment.
One of the reasons the fixed identity remains so strong for the participants is because occupational mobility for the services is poor. As explained above, movement between State service organisations is not possible without retraining. This reflects poorly on the way in which the service organisations recognise the skills and knowledge of exiting service members. As such, recognition out of service by civilian employers can also prove challenging. This means that a lack of occupational mobility and a weaker translation of human capital can result in underemployment which subsequently results in poor job satisfaction.
With a fixed identity, responses to this ‘experienced preference’ include seeking employment that mirrors, in some way, the former service role. This type of continuity of employment (Higate, 2001) had both negative and positive outcomes for the participants. The expectation that the perceived outcomes of the new employment organisation are along the same lines as the service role and therefore the same practices are expected is heightened by continuity of type of employment (Higate, 2001). Conversely, interrupting continuity of type of employment prevents these expectations because the roles are sufficiently different that the individual can better grasp the concept that things are not the same. Continuity of employment presents complexities that cannot be easily solved. On the one hand, continuity of employment enables any individual to continue to use their existing skills and knowledge and to have a sense of familiarity in the new job role. On the other hand, breaking continuity of employment demands the development of new skills and knowledge and a need to embrace new attitudes and behaviours quickly. Higate (2001) theorises the post-service trajectory of former military in terms of continuity of employment to frame the gender ideology that is created through the militarisation of the individuals in a masculine space. Continuity of employment as a concept is not presented as a solution, but rather as an explanation as to why military personnel face challenges when post-service, and continue to face those challenges for an undefined period after service (Higate, 2001). These experiences are the individual service members’ irreconcilable need to maintain their military identity (Higate, 2001) and their masculine stereotypes (Brunger et al., 2013). If that is the case, then continuity of employment is not just a need to apply existing skills and knowledge, but instead is the seeking of a connection to former employment. This level of institutionalisation results in a fractured sense of self when individuals are forced to redefine themselves in the post-service employment environment (Bergman et al., 2014; Brunger et al., 2013).
Maintaining an identity connection to the service organisation and/or role influences the participants in their post-service employment pursuits, including their job choices. The choice of employment is often influenced by fixed identity because the participants are looking for jobs that will support their existing service-related identity. This has two main effects for the individual. The first is that continuity of employment can stall their identity work as they have opportunities to at least partially remain invested in work that is similar to the service role and this gives them no reason to change the way in which they identify in their lives. The second is that few jobs, if any, are similar to service roles and therefore the former service members become disillusioned within that employment and describe poor job satisfaction as a result. This is because they expect the work to be the same, but it is not. With consideration of the work of Higate (2001), the concept of continuity of employment for former members of the police, military and emergency services is problematic. There is the illusion of continuity in post-service employment, but differences are always apparent. Continuity of employment is based on similarities of role tasks, such as security, border protection, emergency response, armed guarding, investigations, or loss prevention, and typically many former service members could be said to have continuity. The error of this assumption is that no role in the post-service environment represents a continuity of employment. Key themes that shape the identity of former service members, such as creating soldiers and the us and them mentality, are borne within a hegemonic masculine environment that is not often re-created in post-service employment. The combination of these factors (hegemonic masculine environment, training, and collective goal) is the key difference, where all the factors need to be present to create an identity in the individuals that is strongly attached to the organisation and not transferable to other employment.
Although Higate’s (2001) work is most often used as a discussion of continuity of employment (Brunger et al., 2013), it is a simplified approach to conclude that his work can be distilled to the view that the same job post-service means a delayed transition and that a different job hastens transition. Instead, the type of job chosen by former service members reflects the extent to which their identity remains connected to their former service role. Consistent with the literature, the link between the individual and the service role that is created in the hegemonic masculine space using repetitive masculine activities and a collective goal, is difficult to disconnect from when post-service. Choosing jobs with a similar gender ideology is an indicator of the extent to which former service members work to maintain their masculine identity.
This helps understand issues with job satisfaction in post-service employment. Higate (2001) argues that a possible solution to post-service issues is for individuals to redefine their identity through employment that does not have any connection to their former service role. However, Higate’s (2001) argument is not conclusive in this research because job satisfaction for the participants varies whether they have continuity of employment or not. The most significant factor that impacts job satisfaction when post-service is the individual’s (now) fixed identity. In the post-service employment environment this fixed identity dictates their ability to assimilate into the civilian world and to achieve job satisfaction in their new role.
Figure 3 below graphically presents the experience.
Figure 3: Individual Experience Within the Service Environment.